My Account Abortion As Birth Control From the day the battle over abortion began, the pro-life movement has been saying that repeat abortions are a natural and logical progression of the abortion reality. Statistics published by even pro-abortion organizations like The Alan Guttmacher Institute, as well as the U.
Relationships Between Contraception and Abortion: The relationship between levels of contraceptive use and the incidence of induced abortion continues to provoke heated discussion, with some observers arguing that use of abortion decreases as contraceptive prevalence rises and others claiming that increased use of family planning methods causes abortion incidence to rise.
Abortion trends are examined in countries with reliable data on abortion and with contraceptive prevalence information from two points in time showing increases in contraceptive use. The role of changes in fertility in mediating the relationship between abortion and contraception is also explored.
In seven countries—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, Uzbekistan, Bulgaria, Turkey, Tunisia and Switzerland—abortion incidence declined as prevalence of modern contraceptive use rose.
In six others—Cuba, Denmark, Netherlands, the United States, Singapore and the Republic of Korea—levels of abortion and contraceptive use rose simultaneously. In all six of these countries, however, overall levels of fertility were falling during the period studied.
After fertility levels stabilized in several of the countries that had shown simultaneous rises in contraception and abortion, contraceptive use continued to increase and abortion rates fell. The most clear-cut example of this trend is the Republic of Korea.
Rising contraceptive use results in reduced abortion incidence in settings where fertility itself is constant. The parallel rise in abortion and contraception in some countries occurred because increased contraceptive use alone was unable to meet the growing need for fertility regulation in situations where fertility was falling rapidly.
International Family Planning Perspectives,29 1: If fertility and its other determinants sexual exposure, lactation and pathological infertility, for example remain constant, a rise in contraceptive use or in effectiveness of use must lead to a decline in induced abortion and vice versa.
Why, then, does the relationship between levels of contraceptive use and the incidence of induced abortion continue to provoke heated discussion?
The explanation for these counterintuitive trends is clear. In such societies, couples are at little or no risk of unwanted pregnancies.
The advent of modern contraception is associated with a destabilization of high or "fatalistic" fertility preferences. Thus, as contraceptive prevalence rises and fertility starts to fall, an increasing proportion of couples want no more children or want an appreciable delay before the next childand exposure to the risk of unintended pregnancy also increases as a result.
In the early and middle phases of fertility transition, adoption and sustained use of effective methods of contraception by couples who wish to postpone or limit childbearing is still far from universal. Hence, the growing need for contraception may outstrip use itself; 4 thus, the incidence of unintended and unwanted pregnancies rises, fueling increases in unwanted live births and induced abortion.
In this scenario, contraceptive use and induced abortion may rise simultaneously.
As fertility decreases toward replacement level two births per womanor even lower, the length of potential exposure to unwanted pregnancies increases further. For instance, in a society in which the average woman is sexually active from ages 20 to 45 and wants two children, approximately 20 of those 25 years will be spent trying to avoid pregnancy.
Demand for abortion falls to zero only in the "perfect contraceptive" population, in which women are protected by absolutely effective contraceptive use at all times, except for the relatively short periods when they want to conceive, are pregnant or are protected by lactational amenorrhea.
The purpose of this article is to summarize what is known about the relationship between abortion and contraception. We start with a description of a recently proposed model of the relationship, 6 and provide empirical illustrations to assess the validity of this model.
We then review trends over time in the incidence of abortion and contraceptive use for specific countries based on published articles.As in most of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, abortion has been the major method of fertility limitation in Estonia since the mids.
During the Soviet era, abortion was the primary method of birth control. The rate of induced abortion in Kazakhstan is similar to that of most Eastern European countries and accounts for over one-third of all pregnancy outcomes in Kazakhstan (National Institute of Nutrition, ).
A detailed examination of the extent to which abortion can be replaced by contraception has been carried out by Westoff and colleagues, 13 who examine trends in abortion and contraception in the populations of three central Asian republics (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and the Kyrgyz Republic) that were formerly part of the Soviet Union.
In the. known about the effects of seasonal migration on fertility, contraception and sexually transmitted diseases in the countries of former Soviet Union, that have undergone .
Because it employs a stratified analysis by age, parity, residence, education and socioeconomic status, the decomposition of change method allows for a better examination of the trade-off between contraception and abortion among various demographic subgroups than does the Westoff model.
Abortion As Birth Control. it’s the kind of information we need to show to people that women do not use abortion as a birth control method, In fact, the most obvious example of the problem of repeat abortions and its effects was the Soviet Union.
In the early s, the Soviet Union became the first country in the world to legalize.